Portraying the Multitudes : Representation of Identities of Sexual Minorities on Indonesia-Based Feminist Web Magazine

This paper aims to examine the representation of identities of sexual minorities known as the LGBTQ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer) community, on the Indonesiabased, feminist web magazine, Magdalene.co. This magazine provides a guide to women’s issues while engaging with fresh perspectives beyond traditional gender and cultural confines. The representation of sexual minorities is reviewed through a selection of six published articles written by editorial members and third-party contributors’ submissions. These submissions vary in age, gender, self-identification as sexual minorities and in anonyminity. The articles are examined through discourse analysis, primarily based on the discourse theory developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. 1 Also incorporated into the analysis are Adrienne Rich’s 2 theory of how the politics of location effects how society looks at the bodies of sexual minorities and Gilbert Herdt’s 3 (2009) concept of sexual panic, to look at the increasing religious-conservatism in Indonesia in contrast to the sexuality of sexual minorities. This research examines the ways in which the representation of sexual minorities in the media opens a space of resistance against heteronormative public discourse.


I. INTRODUCTION
In mid-January 2016, a controversy provoked heated, public discourse on the identities of sexual minorities in Indonesia.The dispute started with the launch of a collaborative initiative for an LGBTQ Peer Support Network by Melela.org and the Sexuality Group and Resource Centre at the University of Indonesia (SGRC UI).The Peer Support Network, independently organized by UI students, was met

Puji Maharani
The first part will look at sexual minorities discourse through the lens of hegemony and social antagonism. 18This lens will allow further examination of the LGBTQ's lived experiences by utilising the concept of politics of location 19 and engaging with the concept of sexual panic 20 in relation to social antagonism.
Examinging the concept of sexual panic is important as sexual minorities are seen as challenging the heteronormative moral values.In this part, the intersection of religion and sexuality in its interplay with hegemony, which is enforced by heteronormativity, is highlighted.
The second part of this paper will elaborate deeper on the relationship between identities of sexual minorities and religious conservatism.First, the relationship is examined by looking at the problematic attempts to identify sexual minorities and how it is entwined with religious conservatism and sexual panics, which present the trouble of heteronormativity for sexual minorities in Indonesia.The analysis would underline religious conservatism and heteronormative oppression, which leave little room for sexual minorities to articulate their resistance in the media.
The third part will further examine the problems of heteronormative doublestandards in mainstream media discourse and the counter efforts of Magdalene.co'salternative discourse.Magdalene.coemphasises the need for new media as an enabler for sexual minorities to construct their own identities and articulate their resistance as the mainstream discourse marginalises the community To conclude the study, the research incorporates the discussion on hegemony, sexuality, and religion to reflect on how representing the LGTBQ community's identities on Magdalene.cobecomes a means for Indonesian sexual minorities to resist social antagonism that is sparked by sexual panics, which is fuelled by the rise of religious conservatism.

II. INTRODUCING THE MULTITUDES:
A THEORETICAL OVERVIEW

Sexual Minorities in the Discourse of Hegemony and Social Antagonism
Representation of identities in relation to non-normative sexuality is an intriguing interplay.As one of the primary battle grounds for the rights of sexual minorities and the establishment, representation constitutes status to non-normative identities; 21 the term "identities" is defined as a publicly articulated self-image and Portraying the Multitudes: Representation of Identities of Sexual Minorities on Indonesia-Based Feminist Web Magazine Magdalene.coperceived sense of self. 22Therefore, to discuss representation of identities of sexual minorities on online media, given its battlefield nature, is to not only look at the study of gender, sexuality, and media but also to analyse the intersection as a discourse of conflict in the society.Conflict, not harmony, often becomes the main character to present the fundamental state of society; and, societal conflict has a critical role in assembling the identity of hegemonic discourses through the notion of social antagonism, in which friend-foe division is constituted. 23As discourse is constructed with the expulsion of other potential meanings or "radical otherness," 24 heteronormativity, or the values, norms, and systems associated to heterosexuality, 25 rises as an indispensable concept in discourse formulation.This construction consequently creates the exclusion, or "othering," of sexual minorities.
Noting that hegemony is a concept of the political construction of identity which formulates values and beliefs as its inseparable part, 26 the representation of identities of sexual minorities mutually conditions discourse and hegemony.Hegemonic practice forms and reforms discourse and leads to a chance hegemonic articulation. 27Torfing 28 calls this practice social antagonisms.A social antagonism occurs when contrasting identities mutually exclude one another and discourses clash; 29 and, any social relation constructed as subordinate, or any collective subject whose constructed subjectivity to particular existing discourse is negated by other discourses, can be in a position of antagonism which initiates conflict. 30Social antagonism is a "double-edged sword" that develops social identity by assuming a danger to it. 31As seen in the case of sexual minorities, the negation of their identities due to social antagonism puts the community in a vulnerable position that is prone to structural violence.However, the concepts of discourse, hegemony, and social antagonism can be versatile tools for empirical research concerning identity and conflict analysis.This is seen in the works of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe,32 in which they redefine the idea of hegemony to include "the articulation of social identities in Puji Maharani the context of social antagonism." 33Mouffe 34 also emphasises that the articulation of resistance against domination depends on the discourse and power relations in the on-going struggle for hegemony.In Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory, individuals and groups are understood as "subject positions determined by discourse." 35The formulation of subject positions, and thus identities, is defined as a site of struggle where contrasting arrangements of elements endeavour to conquer. 36Moreover, the identity of multitudes of subject positions depends on the articulation of identification.

37
As articulation becomes a practice that constitutes a mutually fundamental relationship between social, political, and cultural elements, 38 mass media has a definitive social, political, and cultural significance. 39However, above everything, mass media is a site of the battlefield over identity, distribution, and societal control. 40The antagonistic relation between political groups and social classes is indispensable in revealing how power relations and resistance are formed in and through mass media.Both are conditional on the articulation of meaningful orders and the promulgation of these within society.

41
Mass media supports the establishment and maintenance of hegemony of particular political groups, but they also supply the medium and substances for resistance and counter-hegemonic struggles.There is an abundant multitude of voices and meanings to supply substance for the articulation of alternative meanings and political initiatives. 42Meanwhile, new technologies related to the media are often observed with rampant optimism, yet, at the same time, new media can also spark panic and fear.
Portraying the Multitudes: Representation of Identities of Sexual Minorities on Indonesia-Based Feminist Web Magazine Magdalene.co

Locating the Bodies of Sexual Minorities
Rich 44 notes that to refer to one's own body is to start "with the material," to locate one's closest geographical site from which they articulate their lived experience with authority and reclaim it, while minimizing the temptation for generalisations.At the same time, there is acknowledgment that the body has multitude of identities.Moreover, locating the body goes beyond understanding what it means to have certain body parts which define one to be a male or a female; it is also about the conditions and limitations one has taken for granted.45   Our bodies are "the location of being" 46 through which we experience and understand "the realities of worlds." 47 Within discourse, the body is observed from three points of view: the phenomenological body, where personal body experience begins; the social body, from which a symbolic system to think about nature, culture, and society is developed; and the body politic, as an object that can be socially or politically controlled. 48The (material) body becomes the medium from which the body politic rules what types of bodies, sex, gender, and sexuality are constituted as "normal" and legitimate and what identities are regarded as appropriate. 49 The notion of legitimate bodies and appropriate identities is the essence of the discussion on sexual minorities, as heteronormativity brings them a unique challenge to embrace their body as the primary site of their sexuality.While Rich speaks about women, her thoughts echo the lived experience of sexual minorities, as they are not excluded from "a tangle of oppression" from being the discursive of heteronormative discourse, thus most of them must struggle for their lives on many battlefields at once.50   Rich is seconded by Davies, 51 who observes that Indonesia is no stranger to using genitalia as a clear and permanent definition of a male or female body, which determines one's notion of self and the aspects of social life.Genitalia is also considered inseparable from the notion of shame which powerfully regulates sexuality.
Puji Maharani malu (shame). 53Sexual minorities in Indonesia cannot escape the compelling notion of shame in relation to their sexuality especially due to heteronormative angle of observing bodies which they do not conform into in the first place.Therefore, this notion of shame influences the way the LGBTQ community members locate and reclaim their bodies to articulate their identities.Meanwhile, heteronormative attempts to render bodies as unambiguously male or female 54 may lead to physical alteration of bodies to create congruence with one's identity. 55While the possibility is there, especially for transgender people, these physical alterations may be a conflicting move particularly when religious perspective of observing bodies is incorporated.For example, Islam allows khunsa (intersex) to undergo a sex-change surgery, but that does not apply to mukhannis or mukhannas (males who dress up and behave like females or vice versa).

56
With all these complications surrounding the (material) bodies of sexual minorities, the absence of the material body on the internet may appear to be a liberating beginning to the use of new media, in which an abridged version of one's lived experience formulates their identities.According to Paasonen, the liberty to be bodiless online is similar to trying on various kind of masks or personas rather than creating entirely new, alternate identities 57 .
While some theorists such as Turkle and Stone argue that new media offers the possibility to be an arena for identity play and experimentation, others like Nakamura and Paasonen believe that online exploration of gender and race frequently leads to the repetition of stereotypes familiar in other places. 58The use of online pseudonyms to represent the identities of sexual minorities, done by both the contributors of Magdalene.cowho identify as sexual minorities themselves as well as the publication's editorial team on their advice column, is one example of this identity experiment.What matters more than their material bodies as their primary location is the (offline) lived experience of their bodies and how they choose to represent their identities from that site to articulate their resistance online.

Sexual Minorities in the Midst of Sexual Panic
Observing the controversy against sexual minority which inspired this study constantly brings one word to mind: panic.Herdt,59 through his analysis of Stanley Cohen's60 concept of moral panics, calls such controversy "sexual panics." Panic, he says, is the degree to which the personal and societal articulation are out of proportion with the actual danger asserted by the scapegoated individuals, groups, or issues, or "folk devils", producing stigma, rejection, and social exclusion.61   Herdt's concept of sexual panics was initially coined as "sex panic" by Carole Vance in 1984, which reflects a type of moral panic that constructs public conflict based on sexuality and sexual morality. 62As a form of moral panic, sexual panics sexualises these "folk devils" as "monsters" and "predators," 63 as seen through how, in the analysis in this study, "gay" becomes the umbrella term for sexual minorities while being mixed up with paedophilia and considered as a sinful, contagious threat. 64This paper will continue to use the term "folk devils" to refer to sexual minorities to stay in line with the title of Cohen's seminal work, Folk Devils and Moral Panics.
In revealing the ideologies, hierarchies, and social gaps of societies, moral panics are at its most detrimental in the propagation of sex and gender differences. 65Sexualised moral panics "have much in common with religious disputes of earlier centuries," yet the present surge of "neoconservatives" and "religious fundamentalism" is inseparable from sexual panics. 66This surge is relatable to the rise of religious-conservatism in Indonesia.Today, sexual panics can be seen as one of the most decisive mechanisms that reproduce structural violence through the embodiment of "fear, disgust, and social exclusion" in meanings, speech, and actions.

67
On one hand, media representation plays a pivotal role in inflaming public arguments against sexual minorities as folk devils.The emotional hostility in public settings embodies the energy in which sexual panics thrive, 68 as the exaggerated fear for moral decay disperses through the media into everyday speech and habits. 69Irvine 70 uses the term "sex panic scripts" to describe such Puji Maharani passionate ways of speech that suggest the creation of emotional publics as a factor of panics.Sex panic scripts largely rely on the "danger and disease" 71 of sexual groups or issues associated with "highly stigmatised forms of sexuality."

72
These scripts use provocative language and narratives of immorality to present distorted, hyperbolised, or fabricated stories 73 and can be easily found in "sensationalist" 74 media coverage.
In a religious-conservative perspective, the moral legitimacy of collective panics suggests individual response to sex panic scripts based on profound religious predispositions; yet, this can exaggerate sexual panics. 75Meanwhile, individual resistance against sex panic scripts, as an act of subversion within the dominance of binaries, 76 is challenging, because even that very act is stigmatised and ignored. 77 These compelling sexual panics produce images of the sexual scapegoats as monstrous enemies in a process of "othering."This act of "othering" dehumanises and strips the folk devils of their rights 78 which can be observed through media representations, as the media orchestrates and purposefully disperses fearful ideas and imagery. 79However, media can also play the role in the other end of the spectrum, and Magdalene.cohas made it possible.

III. IDENTITIES OF SEXUAL MINORITIES AND RELIGIOUS CONSERVATISM 1. Sexual Minorities as a Folk Devil for Social Antagonism
Normative representations of everyday living begin with binaries which construct our understanding of social relations. 80These binaries are challenged the moment one leads a "non-normative" life, which starts with the need for transition or desire to be outside of gender confines, as heteronormative gender is defined by sexual behaviour.
Portraying the Multitudes: Representation of Identities of Sexual Minorities on Indonesia-Based Feminist Web Magazine Magdalene.colife in the society. 83Such challenges show "otherness," which oftentimes is also seen as a deviance--fluid and socially produced instead of being a natural subordinate to a dominant definition of normal self 84 .Fluidity has been a character of gender systems in Southeast Asian countries historically, but modernity introduced the binaries of sex and gender and the changes stayed. 85Interestingly, deviance from heterosexuality today is widely identified as a "Western disease" of a sexually liberal and morally confused society 86 , an undesirable and out of place import which symbolises Western globalisation and opposes traditional "Asian values" 87  (Baird 2007: 16, 92).In Indonesia, heterosexism, or the assumed superiority of heterosexuality to other sexualities, historically does not imply homophobia or the psychologised antagonism or apprehension of non-normative sexualities; thus, oftenthere is misrecognition of "Indonesian culture" in relation to the tolerance of homosexuality 88 (Boellstorff 2005a: 223).
Sharing one's lived experience as sexual minority would require public declaration of sexual identity.In the West, openly acknowledging and disclosing one's own same-sex desires is called "coming out" 89 of the closet, a symbol of oppression of sexual minorities who have been silenced from articulating their sexual identity 90 .Publicly identifying as a sexual minority can be interpreted as an inquiry on coming out to parents.Taking reference from her own experience as a "hag", or a confidant for her gay friends, Madge claims that the decision to come out is not something a pesron will regret.However, the notion of sexual minority identities is not universal.It is common for people to engage in same-sex activities, or 'do homosexuality,' without identifying themselves as homosexuals 93   .This way, same-sex desires do not necessarily produce a culturally acknowledged, social identity 94 .Boellstorff's 95 96 research on Indonesian gay men and lesbian women points out that many gay men marry women and put their lives into the compartments of a "normal world" and a "gay world."These men and women are able to compartmentalize without having the feeling of contradition 97 or being untrue to their sexuality.
Nevertheless, as Indonesian gay men and lesbian women try to bring their two worlds together into a "failed" intersection, they articulate that they do feel as if they live a "double life"

98
; "My semi-closeted life has led me to encounter some gay Muslims who end up becoming the most homophobic characters just for the sake of appearing straight." From Magdalene.co'scontributor Downtown Boy's 99 poignant description, the impact of domineering heteronormative discourse coincides with the Muslim culture in Indonesia, particularly that the matter of identifying oneself as sexual minority is clearly a thorny one. 100Despite tolerant attitude on sexual minorities from a few Muslim intellectuals in the past decade, presently it is impossible to be publicly gay and considered a devout Muslim 101 .However, the remainder of Downtown Boy's piece resonates with scholars 102 who believe that, despite the Portraying the Multitudes: Representation of Identities of Sexual Minorities on Indonesia-Based Feminist Web Magazine Magdalene.costruggle, sexual minority identities can harmonise with almost any religious belief and practice.This is done through the individual process of identity negotiation.However, some members of the LGBTQ community would find their religion to be discouraging thus creating the feeling of needing to choose between identifying as a sexual minority and being religious.
In the Indonesian context, the "coming out" metaphor, used in many Euro-American sexual minority communities, usually only refers to participation in the gay world. 103A small number of Indonesian sexual minorities would translate "coming out" as memproklamirkan diri (to proclaim oneself), a reference to the proclamation of Indonesia as an independent state, not as membuka diri (opening oneself). 104 Nevertheless, the lack of recognition of Indonesian sexual minorities leads to the aspiration for social acceptance.This aspiration includes being spared from shaming due to their sexuality, the freedom from pressure to be heterosexually married, and the freedom to conduct same-gender activities in the "gay world" uninterrupted. 105The desire for recognition, unlike how it is understood by Western sexual minority movements, rarely takes the form of political aspirations, such as to legalise same-sex relationship.This is because exclusive homosexuality as an alternative to traditional family norms is not something many Indonesian sexual minorities would endorse. 106 Another point worth noting is the visibility of sexual minorities.Visibility is important because the sense of gender or sexual difference might be missing in everyday life due to lack of understanding of the lived experiences of sexual minorities or the failure to engage with issues related to them. 107However, both visibility and invisibility have costs which are not limited to clichés, prejudices, and stereotypes.The need for visibility emphasises the importance of coming out, 108 but, as "the oxygen of equality," visibility can also be hazardous 109 because "deviant identities" can sometimes be made visible only to be silenced later.
Magdalene.co'scolumnist Mario Rustan 111 addresses the issue of visibility through the experiences of the Indonesian female transgender community.The Indonesian transgender female, or waria (acronym from the Indonesian words wanita [women] and pria [men]), is incomparable in the West 112 because it is Puji Maharani translated as "inferiority" instead of "acceptance." 113Recent homophobic attacks led to the closure of the only pesantren (Islamic school) for waria in the country which stripped the waria community of the right to practice their religion.This is is only one example of how transgender people are part of the sexual minorities who oftentimes suffer the most due to their public visibility.The silencing of sexual minorities is inseparable from the negation of identity based on sexual morality.The silencing and negation of sexual minorities inflames social antagonism against folk devils in a sexual panic which takes place in an antagonistic environment.114   In this study, such act of exclusion, from the perspective of sexual minorities, reflects what Torfing 115 calls a passive and traumatic incorporation of inadequacy.
This reflection can be observed through the statements from the contributors of Magdalene.counder the pseudonyms of Downtown Boy, The Grand Dark Witch, and Sholeh Queer.However, Torfing 116 also points out the possibility of "open confrontation" between the force of negation and the negated identity, which is built as a piece of an opposing conspiracy.Such possibility is present in Mario Rustan's analysis on the LGBTQ scare, 117 Paramita Mohamad's resistance of lesbian clichés, 118 Magdalene.co'snews report on SGRC UI and young people from sexual minorities, 119 and Madge's response to Sholeh Queer's inquiry on Magdalene.co'sadvice column Ask Madge. 120e case of Magdalene.coillustrates Sender's 121 argument that new media genres and technologies enable opportunities for self-representations of sexual minorities in the first decade of the 2000s.This not only brings the chance for sexual minorities to articulate themselves instead of being spoken for but also creates an ideological investment to produce more accurate representations of the lived experiences of sexual minorities.These opportunities will help the community become more socially engaged. 122That said, contrary to Pullen's Portraying the Multitudes: Representation of Identities of Sexual Minorities on Indonesia-Based Feminist Web Magazine Magdalene.cosexual minorities in Indonesia live their lives in "compartments" 124 due to the possibility of being scrutinised as the folk devils of social antagonism.

Religious Conservatism and Sexual Panics
Southeast Asia has the reputation of being comparatively gender-liberal, and Islam in the region has a similar reputation of being moderate on the matters of gender orders compared to the Middle East or neighbouring South Asian countries.125   However, in the past two decades, the revival of a more conservative type of Islam has become apparent across the region, and these transnational Islam discourses are being adopted locally. 126This is also occuring in Indonesia, being the fourth most populous country and home to the largest Muslim population in the world.With approximately nine-tenth of around 230 million inhabitants whom follow Islam, 127 there have been major changes after the authoritarian New Order regime fell in 1998. 128slam began to spread through Indonesia since the 13th century. 129In addition, the country's independence on the 17 th of August 1945 was inseparable from the prominent role and aspiration of Islamic organisations to build an Islamic state.However, Soekarno, the republic's first president, preferred a multireligious state in the name of national unity. 130 Political, power-related discourses aside, many embraced Islam during Soeharto's New Order regime as a source of values to support the establishment of social equity, justice, and a new ethical compass during a fast-changing world.

Puji Maharani
Indonesia. 134Islam has been used as both a justification to oppress non-normative subjects and to support gender diversity.135   The end of Soeharto's regime brought changes to the tolerant image of Indonesian Islam and Muslims. 136With the absence of the New Order's control on transnational Islamic currents and the presence of a democratic atmosphere in the country, "the genie of Islamism" is now out of the bottle. 137Islam found its public stage 138 and subdued the influence of the moderate, mainstream thoughts of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama, the two largest Muslim organisations in Indonesia. 139 This new, public stage led to conservative Muslims calling for more restrictive laws on sexual morality. 140These restrictive laws object the notion of gender equality 141 and support the struggle of Islamist groups to promote 'traditional' gender relations as a means to assert hegemony. 142However alarming, the recent rise of religious conservatism in Indonesia is part of a globally soaring degree of religious restriction in the world, as indicated by a Pew Forum study. 143eanwhile, religion is a possible cause of sparking sexual panics, as it is increasingly enforced as a justification to discriminate against and stigmatise nonnormative gendered subjects 144 145   , whom they view as folk devils.Islam, possibly the most condemnatory and intolerant organised religion on matters of sexual diversity Portraying the Multitudes: Representation of Identities of Sexual Minorities on Indonesia-Based Feminist Web Magazine Magdalene.cooccur 148 , such views stay to dominate the discourse even though it is not universally accepted among Muslims.149   For Muslims, antagonism of same-sex eroticism stems from the tale of Sodom which can lead to the interpretation of homosexuality as "unlawful" in Islam.150   This interpretation creates the image of incompatibility of Islam and homosexuality.
151 Negative attitudes toward sexual diversity, as well as gender mainstreaming, is shared in a considerable part of the population along with plenty of religious leaders who perceive sexual diversity as a deterioration of Islamic values.
To call for a return to heteronormative gender ideals, the conservatives disseminate moral teachings using modern media. 152In a panic reaction responding to the accelerated pace of change, conservatives cherry-pick the "traditional values" , and Indonesia is no exception.Meanwhile, 'the family' (traditionally heterosexual) in most societies worldwide becomes a strong opposition to homosexuality, and the rhetoric and values of 'the family' create an unsafe environment for sexual minorities by forcing them to be 'normal' in order to save the family from shame. 164The real reason for the objection, though, has to do with gender; the articulation of identities as sexual minorities threatens the assumed naturalness of gender roles and the importance of 'the family' to symbolise the ideal gender practices.Magdalene.co'scontributors such as The Grand Dark Witch and Sholeh Queer, who identify as sexual minorities, aptly articulate their dilemma of facing marriage as a form of social pressure.It is almost impossible for them to conform without compromising their social identity.The contributors' lived experiences also consist of the struggle with the fear of not obtaining acceptance from their family and bringing shame into the kinship for identifying as sexual minority.This struggle also includes the desire to have a family of their own.
Religion-inspired prejudices against sexual minorities are seldom religious at all in substance; too often the prejudice is inherently political and inexorably linked to affirming power.The power obtained allows the ability to discipline believers and marginalise those who do not religiously conform or aspire to challenge established religious authorities.167   In Indonesia, the means to preserve religious-based heteronormative oppression for sexual minorities include instilling fear of judgment for living in sin and instilling shame for not conforming into a heteronormatively religious way of life.Not only do sexual minorities have to face oppression due to their sexual identity while attempting to seek solace in religion, they also must endure the heteronormative double standards.This is an inevitable consequence of living in a society where the call for equality has largely gone unrequited.

IV. REPRESENTATION OF IDENTITIES IN THE MEDIA AS A FORM OF RESISTANCE
Portraying the Multitudes: Representation of Identities of Sexual Minorities on Indonesia-Based Feminist Web Magazine Magdalene.coConcluded from the articles analysed in this study, heteronormative doublestandards create problems that uniquely affect sexual minorities in Indonesia.These problems are ingrained in mainstream media discourse where clichés and stereotypes for sexual minorities are categorised into one homogenous group.These cliches and stereotypes are widely publicised and discussed online, fuelled by sexual panics, in just several clicks away.Additonally concluded is the demonization of sexual minorities as folk devils sex panic scripts in the media as a form of social antagonism, which, as Herdt 169 notes, is a way of "othering" that revokes their rights as citizens and exposes those who are othered to violence.Therefore, it is important to articulate the resistance against social antoganims by accommodating sexual minorities in the representation of their own identities.Amid deep-rooted heteronormativity in mainstream media discourse in Indonesia, where coverage of sexual minorities can be supportive while also stigmatising, sensationalising, or condemning170 , it is quite challenging for sexual minorities to represent themselves and attempt to promote gender and sexual diversity.Such challenges can particularly be observed in the articles by Paramita The first three opinion articles provide a unique take on heteronormative double-standards from the perspectives of a lesbian woman, a gay man, and a transgender woman respectively, which becomes a means to resist social antagonism against sexual minorities.They emphasise the importance of acknowledging equality and diversity through incorporating sexual minorities and the multitudes of their identities into the mainstream media discourse in Indonesia.
Mohamad confronts several lesbian clichés that have evolved around the importance of (heterosexual) men's intervention in the lives of lesbian women, such as them being perpetrators of sexual abuse, an object of hatred, or the chance of having them as the "right" partner.The other authors present a view of resistance against the common belief that a gay, Muslim man should discard one of the aforementioned identities to embrace the other.Also presented is the conflicting circumstances for transgender woman to value a family while also experiencing anxiety about bringing shame into her kinship.The desire to raise Puji Maharani her own family still plays a significant part in this internal conflict even though her sexuality is different to that of cis women.
Meanwhile, Rustan highlights the troubling presence of sex panic scripts that demonise sexual minorities.Not conforming to heteronormativity, in his analysis, the LGBTQ community is perceived to be sinfully disastrous, contagious, and threatening to the continuity of human procreation.However, as concerning as it may seem to have such an antagonising view against sexual minorities to spread like wildfire, the producers of sex panic scripts are as afraid as the folk devils to whom they aim their attacks.Rustan argues that the conservatives, whose anti-LGBTQ voices are among the loudest, feel cornered in the fight in which "supposedly Muslims" and minorities courageously articulate their resistance against religious-conservative's take on sexual minorities.This brings us to the larger discussion on how sex panic scripts are materialised in the media, especially on an online platform, which is accessible for anyone with internet connection.On online platforms, sex panic scripts are publicised in the form of, among others, click-baiting headlines and online commentaries in general.In his analysis, Rustan 175 also refutes the view of Republika.co.id, a conservative-religious news outlet which justifies its opposing view of sexual minorities as a matter of humanity and an attempt of battling moral panics.Republika justifies its view by highlighting the opposite: "LGBTQ scare" as a form of sexual panic that is actually initiated by sexual panic scripts published in conservative-religious media publications, and the term "culture war" as a moral panic in a broader sense.Meanwhile, commentaries can be found virtually anywhere, including on Muslim and Gay: 10 Facts You May Not Know about Us 176 , which has the largest viewing number among the six selected articles: almost sixty-thousand-page views by the completion of this study.Among mostly supportive comments, a commenter by the name Muhammed says that the author has chosen to suffer by being gay and he would not "follow into this trap of Satan."This comment is seconded by another called "frankly" who later encourages the author to "seek Allah's help."Sex panic scripts published in the media, which demonise sexual minorities as folk devils, play a pivotal role in arousing sexual panic.Therefore, the articulation of resistance against sex panic scripts requires the incorporation of the voice of sexual minorities themselves and attempts of media publications to challenge the mainstream discourse.
Portraying the Multitudes: Representation of Identities of Sexual Minorities on Indonesia-Based Feminist Web Magazine Magdalene.coSince its inception in September 2013, Magdalene.cohas proclaimed itself to be "feminist," "unapologetically liberal," and "a slanted guide to women and issues."Their content related to sexual minorities reflect their belief in equality, diversity, pluralism, and inclusiveness.177 Magdalene.co'sstance shows that media can also offer a potential antidote for the effects of sexual panics by publicising counter-arguments to these scripts.This could be an unpopular move in the eyes of the public, but the website has its own niche which may be the start of wider readership and exposure.
In order to accommodate sexual minorities in the articulation and representation of their own identities, Magdalene.couses different forms of journalistic works: a news report, opinion columns and articles, and an advice column.Each form incorporates the representation of identities in different ways to answer three different questions: "what happened," "why that happened," and "was what happened good or bad?"; the first two questions are based on factchecking and the latter is based on personal value judgment of the facts. 178n its news report 179 , Magdalene.coattempted to answer the question "what happened?"by introducing the context of the recent LGBTQ controversy in Indonesia.The context is followed by an interview with Firmansyah, a co-founder and treasurer of SGRC UI and the Owner Representative for LGBTQ Support Group Network.As Firmansyah did not identify himself as a sexual minority, he did not speak based on his personal lived experience.Instead, Firmansyah highlighted the challenges for sexual minorities to get the support they need for the oppression and violence they endure because of their sexual identity.In this way, he justifies the need and the urgency to establish a support group for sexual minorities, which had later been widely opposed since its launch.
The incorporation of Firmansyah's statement on sexual minorities challenges the mainstream ideas of anti-LGBTQ in the media, as sexual minorities are seen as a folk devil. 180This stance extends to Magdalene.coby the mentioning of the publication as a past media partner for some of SGRC UI's other events and campaigns on various gender and sexuality issues.Four opinion pieces analysed in this study attempt to answer the question "why that happened," and "was what happened good or bad?" Magdalene.co'scolumnist, Mario Rustan 181 (2016), weaves the identities of sexual minorities in a more nuanced perspective to answer both questions.
In the discourse of anti-LGBTQ in the media, sexual minorities are seen primarily through the conservative-religious perspective as a "foreign," "sinful" peril that should not be tolerated unless the society wants to risk the wrath of God.
Portraying the Multitudes: Representation of Identities of Sexual Minorities on Indonesia-Based Feminist Web Magazine Magdalene.coidentity is represented as something that may tarnish the family honour if disclosed yet prevent her from fully actualising herself if kept secret.
This way of articulating the lived experiences of a transgender woman is particularly important to challenge the pre-existing tendency to make fun of the effeminate, as it is fairly common to see transgender in the Indonesian entertainment scene playing the role of comic relief.The author poignantly puts it when she highlights that she has feelings just like other human beings and that includes constant guilt for being taught that she is living in sin due to her sexual identity.
Based on these articles, Magdalene.coacknowledges the importance for media publications to represent the identities of sexual minorities as multitudes, whose sexuality intersects with many other parts of their social lives just like other people.This includes not only visible things (such as clothing preference and nongender-conforming appearance) but also clashing values (such as religion and family) and personal feelings (such as fear, shame, guilt, anxiety, and insecurities), all of which stem from the self-identification as sexual minorities.After all, as Downtown Boy points out, sexual minorities just want to make peace with themselves, because "everyone goes through an endless process of selfacceptance." Meanwhile, two last articles also made mentions of religion or "divine power," from which the authors, as many other members of sexual minorities, seek solace from emotional struggles, rejection, hate, and disgust aimed at them by the heteronormative social judgment.This is in line with the progressive take of Magdalene.coon sexuality and religion, as it has been consistently promoting, among others, reinterpretation of the Quran to see how it aligns with feminism, gender equality, and human rights.
Lastly, in an Ask Madge advice column post titled "Coming Out to Parents," Magdalene.co'seditorial team, under the pseudonym of Madge, promotes solidarity from the perspective of a heterosexual ally who is available for a second opinion.This perspective is acknowledged by an advice seeker, who posted under the pseudonym of "Sholeh Queer" (sholeh, from Arabic language, means pious), by addressing the team as "a pro-level fag hag."This piece aims to answer, "was what happened good or bad?" with concerns of future scenarios regarding living an entire lifetime in lies versus the fear of hurting parents because of one's "gayness." Having heterosexual people answer questions for sexual minorities could be a slippery slope, because the former has been living the heteronormativity-approved life and thus do not have the same relatable, lived experiences of the latter.This is not to say that they could not empathise, as Madge points out in the column, "I can't say whether or not you should come out […].But I can tell you that when you're ready […] it should be in your own terms."However, it is important to ponder to what extent it is appropriate to publicly give advice from a heterosexual position to sexual minorities.Magdalene.cohas Portraying the Multitudes: Representation of Identities of Sexual Minorities on Indonesia-Based Feminist Web Magazine Magdalene.coscapegoated subject or 'folk devils,' attempt to articulate their lived experience as a means of resistance against their demonization through sex panic scripts in the media.
Throughout this paper, sexual minorities are emphasised as 'The Other' in heteronormative discourses which is inexorably linked to religious perspectives.This is true in relation to the rise of religious conservatism in Indonesia which played a part in fuelling nationwide 'anti-sexual minorities' headlines in early 2016.Although they are mostly rendered invisible and voiceless, the developments of new media introduce the possibility to make themselves visible and articulate their resistance.
This research revealed that religious conservatism is inseparable from heteronormative discourse in Indonesia and, through sex panic scripts, it exaggerates the stigmatisation of sexual minorities as both a danger and a disease189 as a sexual panic develops.Such exaggeration can be countered by providing them the opportunity to portray sexual minorities' own, lived experience and represent the multitudes of their own identities.Also, the struggle to resist religious-based heteronormative oppressions is real for sexual minorities in Indonesia.On the other hand, as a new online start-up, with relatively progressive views on gender issues, Magdalene.cohas a fairly small and classspecific niche of readership.
Based on the research, there are several points of conclusion.Firstly, not only being made vulnerable by various kinds of oppression due to their sexuality, sexual minorities are also perceived as a threat when religious-morality values in the society are deemed to be compromised as sexual panic ensues.The challenge for heteronormativity begins with the body, the location from which their lived experience as ones with 'unnatural' and 'dangerous' desire takes place and social antagonism justified.Secondly, sexual minorities are often publicly demonised by the media in sexual panics, laden with heteronormativity in conservative-religious perspectives, leaving them little opportunity to speak for themselves and resist; making themselves visible may lead to the negation of their identity.Moreover, sexual panics amplify religious-based, heteronormative oppressions for sexual minorities in Indonesia, from the pressure for heterosexual marriage, the fear for bringing shame to the family for identifying as sexual minority, to the stripping off their rights to practice their religious beliefs.Thirdly, despite all challenges, sexual minorities have the chance to construct their identity through their online persona to resist heteronormative double standards in the media which largely exclude and stigmatize them.
Above all, this research aims to be a reminder that change is inevitable, and no notion is permanent.As heteronormativity is challenged and social antagonism against sexual minorities is resisted so is heteronormative double-standards and the Multitudes: Representation of Identities of Sexual Minorities on Indonesia-Based Feminist Web Magazine Magdalene.co 53 Sharyn Graham Davies, "Surveilling sexuality in Indonesia" in Linda Rae Bennet & Sharyn Graham Davies, eds, Sex and sexualities in contemporary Indonesia (London: Routledge, 2015) 33.54 Anne Fausto-Sterling, Sexing the Body: Gender Politics and the Construction of Sexuality (New York: Basic Books, 2000).55 See Cromwell, supra note 46, page 29-30.56 Yik Koon Teh "Politics and Islam Factors Determining Identity and the Status of Male-to-Female Transsexuals in Malaysia" in Fran Martin & Peter A. Jackson, eds., AsiaPacifiQueer: Rethinking Genders and Sexualities (Baltimore, US: University of Illinois Press, 2008, pp.85-98) 57 See Consalvo, supra note 43, page 358.58 ibid.Portraying 92ji MaharaniMagdalene.co's editorial team, under the pseudonym of Madge on the website's Ask Madge advice column92, seconds Mohamad's view in resposne to liberation from heteronormative gender binaries, as Magdalene.co'scontributor Paramita Mohamad 91 (2014), who is openly lesbian, succinctly put: "If you are still hiding in the closet, you continuously have to secondguess what others know about you, and what will happen if they do.This sucks a lot of contentment and mental energy out of you."